From the biography to the history of the right-center Basque
We intend to begin to compensate for the lack of a systematic and comprehensive history of the Basque center-right, through the collection of a series of sixty four biographies of individuals belonging to this sector of the Basque political, whose lives pass between the origin of the liberal privileges jurisdictions, in the thirties of the nineteenth century, until the beginning of the political transition to the death of Franco in 1975. We believe that the choice of these figures of the Basque political, is the first step for what the future will be the story of the history of the Basque center-right in its history. In this way, we intend to visualize the presence of a sector that throughout the last stage of our history, the reign of Juan Carlos I completed in 2014, has been almost ignore by society and by their most influential elements in the culture and in the university.
In fact, if there is a sector of the Basque political whose historical study is particularly neglected throughout the recent period - which goes from the beginning of the call transition, after the death of Franco on November 20, 1978 and the access to the throne of Juan Carlos I and expiring in the access to the throne on the part of the son of this, Felipe VI, June 19, 2014 - that is the center-right Basque.
This fact, which would alone, in normal circumstances lacking any justification. However in our historical and political context is, by broad segments of the population and in all its social strata and cultural, solid arguments to appear as perfectly understandable. Without pretending the completeness in the analysis, nor assume a priority order, nor to submit as related or concatenated some facts with others. We are going to raise here a couple of main reasons that could explain this abandonment. Even the stigmatization of the center-right Basque and its history.
The terrorism of ETA, especially directed toward everything that represent the Franco’s regime, found in the center-right Basque a perfect target for their attacks. The center-right Basque was presented as a direct heir of the Franco regime. Without denying that in, an important part of their troops so was, was clearly abusive was to pretend that Franco regime and the center-right Basque were one and the same thing to the death of Franco. It was ignored, to do this, the existence of different political families - faced even-, in the interior of the regime (phalanges, traditionalists, monarchists, technocrats) and, above all, was overlooked the fact substantial. The Civil War and the post-war period was not a result of the confrontation between Spain and the Basque Country, but of an internal conflict also to the Basque Country. Since Alava (with Navarre) joined from the first moment and massively to the coup against the Second Republic. While Vizcaya, and to a lesser extent Guipúzcoa, had remained faithful to the same with serious internal dissensions that provoked repression of dissent the republican regime that was left after the military uprising, in the form of arrests and executions.
Both the nationalism as the Basque socialism - heirs of those who formed the first Basque government majority in history during just nine months, between October 1936 and the fall of Bilbao in June 1937 - recently graduated from the underground to the death of Franco. Staged from the first time the start of the transition and took the reins of the democratic institutions that emerged then (Basque General Council, Provincial Councils, municipalities). The interest of these two political forces was evident from that time and until now: erected in central representatives of the new democratic regime and consider the Basque center-right on margin of the centrality and making them pay that they have been the main benefited from the previous dictatorial regime.
It is important to point out that, since the Basque socialism objective also attack by ETA terrorism. This condition has never led to doubt the preference in their alliances for the PNV and not by the CP Basque. And the test we had on the occasion of the first Basque Socialist government of history, between 2009 and 2012, in which Patxi Lopez could be lehendakari (president of the province) thanks to the parliamentary support of the Basque PP, Basagoiti. Well, even this circumstance has prevented the PSE rethink its historic tendency by the PNV, up to the point that. In the Basque socialism is much more comfortable and acceptable to their bases and leaders. A subordinate relationship with the PNV. They do not want a relationship that they could seem protagonist, thanks to the PP
All these factors have resulted in the development of synergies that deep into in everyday life, in the society in general and of course also in the culture and in education. In the sense of, the university level has not been able to be, or much less, alien to this situation. In fact, the confluence of intellectual efforts, from sectors both nationalistic and of the left in general and of socialism in particular, has dominated with difference in the Basque University in respect of any other unlikely demonstration from different cultural-political sectors to those actors. The result is, that both the study of the Basque nationalism as the Basque Left has had a far greater preference that scarce attempts that have been able to devote to the study of the center-right Basque. Without the need to refer to the extensive bibliography existing in our dates both on the history of nationalism and socialism Basques, suffice it to a button displayed that gives an idea of the abandonment in which has been the study of the center-right in the different departments of the Basque University. A book that is intended to be a summary of the history of the Basque Country, made from university research more solvent, as it is the history of the Basque Country and Navarre in the twentieth century, coordinated by Santiago de Paul and Jose Luis de la Granja (Madrid, New Library, 2002). Which is now in its second edition, account with specific studies for all Basque political sectors, including the Carlism, but surprisingly not for the liberal right, without whose evolution toward authoritarianism in the twenties and thirties of the twentieth century does not understand most of the subsequent political developments at all. It is thought that this absence has been intended by their coordinators. It is much easier and secure. Also more successful think that what in fact happened is that they could not find a specialist or a state of research in this area with a level similar to that of the rest of collaborators.
Pedro Jose Chacón Delgado.